Aló a todos. Hoxe vou falar do progreso em tres frentes feito esta semana a fin de reparar os danos da economia e, partindo da recesión, construir uma base sólida pra o futuro.
Primeiro, eu pensei um proxeto de reforma financeira com o intuito de protexer a nossa economia e os consumidores da irresponsabilidade que nos enverga póla pior recesión desde a Grande depresión dos anos 30. É unha reforma que pretende acabar com as praticas abusivas dos financistas de hipotecas e as empresas geradoras de cartón de crédito, asegurando que as persoas teñan a devida información antes de tomar um empréstimo ou adquiurir unha tarxeta de crédito. As ofertas sombrias que causaron a crise financeira virán a tona. E eso vai acabar c’o pagamento das taxas podres, dando ao pobo unha palabra de conforto em relación a abusiva remuneración dos altos cargos.
A necesidade de esta reforma vem subliñada na necesidade de impoñer limites, no auxe da crisis financeira, ao gasto fastuoso da xunta de Percebes, asin como nos gastos infindos da construción na vila de unha casiña grande e cultura pequeniña, ou um trenvia veloz de escape cara à meseta.
Em segundo lugar, busco unha lei que vai repremir os pagamentos indevidos. Todos os anos o goberno desperdiza unha penca de euros, diñeiro dos contribuintes, em asignacións por conta de subsídios a empresas que non pagan impostos, a asociacións políticas sem calquer entendimento dos asuntos da administración política ou ainda pra persoas que xacen mortiñas há um monte de anos. As ferramentas tecnológicas nos dan os meios para identificalos. A economia a ser alcanzada é de moitos euros. Nos dias de hoxe, cando non se tem diñeiro para gastar, calquer euro economizado representa unha boa economia.
Em terceiro lugar, será necesario desbloquear as intencións de unha minoria parlamentaria que pensa em baratear as regras que facilitan o desempleo involuntário dos trabaiadores de Percebes. Sem traballadores non se fomenta a produción, sem produción non crece a riqueza e sem riqueza todos os ricos fan-se probes.
A limpeza de unha casa comenza arrancando a poeira escondida embaixo do carpete. Xuntos, a família inteira fará caso pra eliminar os abusos fraternos do irman escollido pra gevernar a casa. Todos xuntos, com boa comandância, chamaremos os irmans para facer aqui dentro o trabaio que os homes e muieres buscan lá fora.
Hoy rebasa, en más un año por toda nuestra querida costa viva, semana de profunda fe religiosa. Celebramos la pasión, muerte y resurrección de Cristo en una serie de actos que reproduce el camino bíblico desde Moisés hasta nuestros días.
Con Moisés, en su fuga de Egipto, renacíala esperanza de ver crecer la justicia sobre la opresión y la perseverancia sobre la angustia ante la derrota y muerte. Con Cristo, a la bendición del día de ramos le sigue infernal demostración del castigo a la bondad, al cariño por los semejantes, a la idea de que se puede salir del martirio de la pobreza con obstinada voluntad.
Hoy el mundo festeja la semana de diferentes maneras, para recordarnos siempre como es intolerante el espíritu humano habitado en los locales más obscuros del alma pasional, aquella pasión que nos hace creer que somos hermanos y demuestra que debemos odiarnos y repetir todos los años el simbolismo que condena constantemente la vida al sufrimiento terrible de la cruz.
Nos debatimos en pugnas públicas por el interés partidario de ofrecer por los medios de comunicación lo que antes se tira y nunca se dará. Y así nos consumimos en un ciclo, que se repite eternamente en un juego folclórico de la ilusión al conducirnos por trillas hacia la incapacidad de poder vivir feliz después de haber sido fuertes en el bienestar de la mocedad senil.
Desde la fuga del paraíso, todos nosotros sabemos de la importancia que el trabajo tiene en la vida del hombre. Hombre en el concepto de generalidad exenta de género y sexualidad.El hombre o mujer como cabeza de familia que ha de llevar el pan a la boca de sus hijos, que ha de brindar con el calor el hogar familiar en los duros días de invierno, que ha de estimular la vecindad en los pequeños núcleos aldeanos o en las gigantes aglomeraciones urbanas. Es en la ocupación de un trabajo que se puede alcanzar no solo seguridad como, también y principalmente, el sentido de la dignidad producida por la moral de ser socialmente útil y compartir los beneficios de la utilidad con nuestros entes queridos, sin tener que robar el sacrificio inútil de alguien clavado en la cruz. No es alentador oír hablar de fusiones cuando sabemos que, en momentos tan difíciles de la economía regional, es necesario crear empleos. No mejora el calvario del desempleado por saber que ya son muchos y mucho más han de crecer para salvación del capital concentrado en cada vez menos manos; manos limpias de Pilatos, enrojecidas por fariseos caprichosos en imposturas de la voluntad mayor.
Todos nosotros valoramos la salud nuestra y de nuestros entes queridos. Todos en algún momento hemos experimentado el dolor por enfermedad, por amor, por ausencia o muerte de una persona amada o por cualquier tragedia de la vida. En el círculo de una persona todos conocen lo que se quiere, lo que se piensa y se hace de sus vidas. Si la salud o la vida de quien amamos es puesta en peligro, el resto nada importa, nos trasformamos en herramienta focalizada en el interés de resolver el problema, sea intencionalmente para mejor o fatalmente para peor.
Todos nosotros valoramos la educación. Creemos que, en una economía tan competitiva como la nuestra, la educación es base fundamental para el suceso. Infelizmente es una creencia maculada desde el empirismo político de nuestro desastrado régimen democrático. En nuestra comunidad, la educación por esmerada que sea no es suficiente para darnos asas y volar por encima de las barreras que se interponen en el camino hacia la vida social. Es suficiente ver el poder económico de algunos políticos carentes de educación formal.
Todos en nuestra comunidad, desde tiempos inmemoriales, nos hemos esforzado por dar sentido a nuestra peonada en la Tierra. En un tiempo tan fugaz, como el que sostiene la vida durante el viaje sideral, supimos hacernos dignos del futuro, amando el pasado en fugaces momentos, que se diluyen en el presente continuo que atraviesa la edad.
El rito pascual y el folclore de una santa semana acompañan nuestro ideario desde hace casi dos mil años, se renueva como estaciones del año, haga sol o caiga lluvia, en tiempos de guerra o en tiempos de paz tan agitados como los de ahora.
Finalmente, la semana llega al fin después de la resurrección de un espíritu que nos debería dar consciencia de un vínculo común por el propósito de amar a quien se ha sacrificado por darnos lo que tenemos, y recusar, sin odio, a quien nos lo quieran tirar, aunque con disculpa de ofrecerlo a una entidad santa en la costa de la vida.
Mis agradecimientos a todos (líderes sociales, pequeños empresarios, empleados y funcionarios del gobierno de Percebes) por haber comparecido a esta cita, compartir vuestros pensamientos y encontrar soluciones para lo que podemos hacer en busca de trabajos modernos, capaces de atender las necesidades de nuestras familias.
Todos aquí sabemos como se ha disparado la diferencia entre trabajar y proveer el sustento, nuestro y el de quien depende de nosotros. Cambios de naturaleza económica y demográfica nos han dejado en una encrucijada. Al mismo tiempo que los sueldos son congelados, los gastos hierven con frenesí y el borbolleo exige que las familias busquen nueva fuente de receptas para sobrevivir.
Actualmente, dos tercios de las familias con hijos dependen del trabajo de sus padres y, en algunos casos, de una madre soltera. Hoy, a la denominación del oficio debemos acrecentar el sobrecargo de equilibrista, pues, para estas familias, la sobrevivencia constituye un acto de caminar sobre una cuerda bamba. No hay espacio para equívocos, si el coche sufre avería, alguien se pone enfermo o surge un problema en la escuela, como un rolo compresor la dificultad alcanza a todos y a todos oprime y angustia.
El mundo está cambiando y cambia para peor. Muchas personas necesitan más de un trabajo para igualar los gastos, y los que tienen un único empleo necesitan trabajar horas extras para pagar la hipoteca. En situación de aprieto y riesgo de desempleo, nadie ya pude darse al lujo de exigir flexibilidad en el horario ni ampliación de beneficios.
Por tal desconexión, entre la necesidad de una familia y la exigencia de estar lejos en un local de trabajo, nos complicamos la vida al dedicar muchas horas en nuestro trasporte. Y, todavía peor, algunos empresarios remuneran el trabajo de una mujer como siendo complemento provisorio a la economía de una familia, y también los hay que creen que, cuando un empleado solicita alejarse del trabajo para cuidar de un padre enfermo o atender un pedido de comparecencia a la escuela de su hijo, el trabajador no es dedicado a su oficio y lo devalúa por ocasión de eventual promoción.
En una sociedad en permanente ebullición hay padres que les gustaría tener más tiempo para dedicarlo a sus hijos. A muchos hijos les gustaría disponer de más tiempo y dedicarlo a sus padres mayores. A un número considerable de hombres y mujeres les gustaría volver al colegio para reciclarse en el contenido técnico, aumentar su conocimiento y progresar en la carrera escogida. Una sociedad en ebullición tiene desesperadamente muchas necesidades y todas ellas pueden ser atendidas creando puestos flexibles de trabajo.
La flexibilidad en local y horario de trabajo es asunto que afecta favorablemente el bienestar de las familias y también constituye excelente oportunidad de negocios. Refuerza la economía local dándole condiciones de competir en la economía globalizada. Pero más que todo esto, siendo reflejo de prioridad cultural, el trabajo flexibilizado, flexibilizado en el buen entendimiento de Obama, nos elevaría en el concepto social entre los pueblos del mundo, pues la mejor razón para vivir es vivir con y cuidando nuestro entes queridos en su unidad familiar.
Eran 10:40 de la mañana, el Presidente saludaba a todo el mundo. Acababa de enviar al Congreso el presupuesto para el próximo año, 2011.
Estamos en primero de febrero y por aquí llueve torrencialmente todos los días, y ya van cuarenta días con sus respectivas noches. Un fuerte viento con rajadas en remolino me hace pensar que mi casa va volar con todos nosotros dentro. En este momento, una lluvia de granizo chicotea puertas y ventanas y tiñe de blanco la calle. Un reguero sierra la parte más baja de la rua y sus aguas rujen torrencialmente por el camino que las lleva al rio. El rio está lleno y a él llega agua por todos los lados. Bien allí hay un puente que me lleva al otro lado. No veo el puente. Se que esta allí porque el agua que corre por el cauce sube haciendo un arco para desplomares del otro lado. Un poco delante, donde antes era bañado del rio y ahora hay residencias urbanas, se oyen gritos de desespero, el agua inunda las casas y les roba todo que tienen.
El presupuesto llega al Congreso. Refleja un serio desafío que afecta el país.
Galicia no está en guerra pero también tiene soldados en Afganistan. Galicia pierde puestos de trabajo todos los meses y los viene perdiendo hace mucho tiempo. Nuestro gobierno sueña sobre un colchón forrado de deudas contraídas a cuenta del despilfarro. De hecho, hace 10 años Galicia brillaba por la estrella de España. Nadie imaginaba que el súper plus, que Aznar contaba, se haría agua en un horizonte tan cercano. Sentí el drama cuando en los papeles se discursaba inversiones millonarias con base en ingresos que no igualaba los gastos ordinarios, y muchos gastos tenían el despilfarro como destino diario. Hace nueve meses vimos consagrar el nuevo padre de Galicia cuando Galicia ya estaba en crisis.
Todos los meses van al paro cientos de trabajadores y la economía sigue su escalada cuesta abajo, no por falta de brazos que contengan la riada y sí por falta de trabajo que han ahogado.
Nueve meses después continuamos peor por causa de los pasos que no hemos dado y así resbalamos liderados por la crisis que no es nuestra, ni de ahora. Era tiempo de cambiar el rumbo cuan descubrimos que el rumbo trazado nos había puesto en perfecta calmaría sobre un mar de sargazos. Ahora es tiempo de reaccionar, pero es importante entender que no conseguiremos pagar la deuda por el paso de la noche a la mañana, arrancando de los que no tienen y dándoselo a quien convenga.
En el presupuesto hay muchos programas que no sirven para nada. Subvenciones a diestro, siniestro y a los radicales, asignaciones por cuenta de la lengua, bilingua y ahora ahora, también trilingua. Cuantas asociaciones reciben contribuciones por mérito de hacer absolutamente nada. Y los técnicos de empleo, ¿que hacen en Galicia si en Galicia no hay empleo? Tiene sentido el técnico de empleo gestionando el desempleo? ¿Hay sentido en gastar dinero ajeno (no digo tiempo, que gastar tiempo es bueno) en dos publicaciones para gallegos que entienden las dos lenguas? ¿Hay gallego que teniendo una obra en castellano adquiere la misma en gallego? Eso es cosa de castellano y temo que sean una minoría incapaz de justificar tanto despilfarro. Es más, yo diría que consideran tamaña proeza una burra abigarrada.
Lo que destaca en el presupuesto del Presidente es esencial. Una nueva base para el desarrollo duradero, considerando que es un terrible equívoco quemar hoy lo que será necesario para sustento de los hijos y nietos del mañana. Igualmente, seria absurdo retirar inversión en áreas que han probado tener suceso, son auto-sostenibles y garantizan renta para el futuro.Propone esfuerzo colectivo en investigaciones científicas destinadas a darnos independencia en el logro de fuentes de energías limpias, teniendo como meta el empleo en industrias del futuro.
El ministerio de educación será incrementado en 6 % con destino a la excelencia en ciencias y matemáticas a sabiendas de que contra la pobreza la mejor salida es la educación de utilidad universal. No es otra la razón que anima retirar subsidios a los bancos que ganan emprestando a pobres, y dárselos a comunidades de estudiantes para que la universidad se haga más asequible a todos los aprendices.
Esas son inversiones que debemos hacer para crear empleo y oportunidades para hoy y para el futuro. No es suficiente, con excepción de los gastos con la seguridad social, también fue propuesto congelamiento de todos los gastos durante tres años. Esto no significa que se hará una fotocopia del presupuesto del último año. Congelamiento del gasto general significa que se harán cortes donde los gastos no tienen sentido para aplicarlos donde realmente son necesarios.
Cuenta por cuenta, sección por sección, departamento por departamento, hasta llegar al gasto de cada persona, todo fue desmenuzado buscado ineficiencia, duplicación y programas que han resistido a su inutilidad.
Un cambio de paradigma por la que se rige el gasto usual exige un cambio en los paradigmas de la política. Fue propuesto comisión bipartita (republicanos y demócratas) para fiscalizar los resultados y promover el suceso. No más es permitido gastar como si el déficit no tuviera consecuencias, como si la tasa arrancada a lo bruto del pueblo no haga falta a nadie, como si fuera posible ignorar los desafíos que acechan nuestros hijos y nietos. ¡No, no podemos!
Es tiempo de ser honesto y no decir una cosa delate de las cámaras y hacer otra fuera de ellas.
Es tiempo para economizar lo que podemos y gastar lo que es necesario y volver a vivir de acuerdo con nuestras posibilidades.
Esto podría contarlo el presidente en ejercicio de la UE y yo lo creería. Lo ha contado, por transcripción libre de lo que yo entiendo o quise entender por mi particular modo de explicar las cosas, el presidente de los EU, y yo se le creo. Podría haberlo dicho el presidente de la Xunta, y nunca me convencería. ¿Carisma? Quizás.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you very much. Good afternoon. I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning; and for over a century, CairoUniversity has been a source of Egypt's advancement. And together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I'm grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. And I'm also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: Assalaamu alaykum. (Applause.)
We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims around the world -- tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of coexistence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.
Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights. All this has bred more fear and more mistrust.
So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. And this cycle of suspicion and discord must end.
I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive and need not be in competition.
Instead, they overlap, and share common principles -- principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.
I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. I know there's been a lot of publicity about this speech, but no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly to each other the things we hold in our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak always the truth." (Applause.) That is what I will try to do today -- to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.
Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I'm a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and at the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.
As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam -- at places like Al-Azhar -- that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities -- (applause) -- it was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality. (Applause.)
I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President, John Adams, wrote, "The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, they have served in our government, they have stood for civil rights, they have started businesses, they have taught at our universities, they've excelled in our sports arenas, they've won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers -- Thomas Jefferson -- kept in his personal library. (Applause.)
So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear. (Applause.)
But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. (Applause.) Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a selfinterested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggledfor centuries to give meaning to those words -- within our borders, and around the world.
We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum -- "Out of many, one."
Now, much has been made of the fact that an African American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President. (Applause.) But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores -- and that includes nearly 7 million American Muslims in our country today who, by the way, enjoy incomes and educational levels that are higher than the American average. (Applause.)
Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state in our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That's why the United States government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab and to punish those who would deny it. (Applause.)
So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations -- to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God. These things we share.
This is the hope of all humanity.
Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.
For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience. (Applause.) That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings. And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes -- and, yes, religions -- subjugating one another in pursuit of their own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners to it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; our progress must be shared. (Applause.)
Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite: We must face these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and as plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together.
The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms. In Ankara, I made clear that America is not -- and never will be -- at war with Islam. (Applause.) We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security -- because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as President to protect the American people.
The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice; we went because of necessity. I'm aware that there's still some who would question or even justify the events of 9/11. But let us be clear: Al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with.
Now, make no mistake: We do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We see no military -- we seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and now Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case. And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries. And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of different faiths -- but more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam.
The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent is as -- it is as if he has killed all mankind. (Applause.) And the Holy Koran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind. (Applause.) The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism -- it is an important part of promoting peace.
Now, we also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That's why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who've been displaced. That's why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend on.
Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible. (Applause.) Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be."
Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future -- and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. And I have made it clear to the Iraqi people -- (applause) -- I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. And that's why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all of our troops from Iraq by 2012. (Applause.) We will help Iraq train its security forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.
And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter or forget our principles. Nine-eleven was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our traditions and our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at GuantanamoBay closed by early next year. (Applause.)
So America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.
The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world. America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.
Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed -- more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction -- or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews -- is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.
On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people -- Muslims and Christians -- have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than 60 years they've endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations -- large and small -- that come with occupation.
So let there be no doubt: The situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. And America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own. (Applause.)
For decades then, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It's easy to point fingers -- for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought about by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security. (Applause.)
That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest. And that is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience and dedication that the task requires. (Applause.) The obligations -- the obligations that the parties have agreed to under the road map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for them -- and all of us -- to live up to our responsibilities.
Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and it does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is a sign neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That's not how moral authority is claimed; that's how it is surrendered.
Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have to recognize they have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, recognize Israel's right to exist.
At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. (Applause.) This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop. (Applause.)
And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians can live and work and develop their society. Just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be a critical part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.
And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state, to recognize Israel's legitimacy, and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.
America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. (Applause.) We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.
Too many tears have been shed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of the three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra -- (applause) -- as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed, peace be upon them, joined in prayer. (Applause.)
The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons. This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is in fact a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostagetaking and violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped in the past, I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question now is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.
I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude, and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It's about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.
I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons. And that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons. (Applause.) And any nation -- including Iran -- should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I'm hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.
The fourth issue that I will address is democracy. (Applause.)
I know -- I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation by any other. That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. These are not just American ideas; they are human rights. And that is why we will support them everywhere. (Applause.)
Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear: Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments -- provided they govern with respect for all their people.
This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy onlywhen they're out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. (Applause.) So no matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who would hold power: You must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Barack Obama, we love you!
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. (Applause.) The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.
Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart and the soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it's being challenged in many different ways.
Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of somebody else's faith. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld -- whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. (Applause.) And if we are being honest, fault lines must be closed among Muslims, as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.
Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That's why I'm committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.
Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit -- for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We can't disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism.
In fact, faith should bring us together. And that's why we're forging service projects in America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That's why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action -- whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.
The sixth issue -- the sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights. (Applause.) I know –- I know -- and you can tell from this audience, that there is a healthy debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality. (Applause.) And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well educated are far more likely to be prosperous.
Now, let me be clear: Issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we've seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.
I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons. (Applause.) Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity -- men and women -- to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. And that is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams. (Applause.)
Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity. I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence into the home. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and change in communities. In all nations -- including America -- this change can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we lose control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities -- those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.
But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradictions between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies enormously while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education. And this is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work.
Many Gulf states have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century -- (applause) -- and in too many Muslim communities, there remains underinvestment in these areas. I'm emphasizing such investment within my own country. And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas when it comes to this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.
On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America. (Applause.) At the same time, we will encourage more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in online learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so a young person in Kansas can communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo.
On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.
On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs. We'll open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, grow new crops. Today I'm announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.
All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.
The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world that we seek -- a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together. I know there are many -- Muslim and non-Muslim -- who question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort -- that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There's so much fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the years. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country -- you, more than anyone, have the ability to reimagine the world, to remake this world.
All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort -- a sustained effort -- to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.
It's easier to start wars than to end them. It's easier to blame others than to look inward. It's easier to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There's one rule that lies at the heart of every religion -- that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. (Applause.) This truth transcends nations and peoples -- a belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or brown; that isn't Christian or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the world. It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.
We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.
The Holy Koran tells us: "O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another."
The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace."
The Holy Bible tells us: "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God." (Applause.)
The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now that must be our work here on Earth.
Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you. Thank you very much. Thank you.
